Forty years ago, only 14% of women were getting mammograms. The test existed. It worked. But Medicare didn’t cover it, and because Medicare didn’t, private insurers didn’t either. A mammogram was not part of a routine visit. Most women never thought to ask, and doctors rarely suggested it.

Then advocates mobilized. Congress listened. And Medicare started covering mammograms.

The result was one of the great public health success stories of the modern era. Screening rates rose to over 70%. Breast cancer death rates dropped 44%. Millions of women are alive today because screening caught their cancer early.

The mammogram did not do that by itself. Coverage did. Coverage delivered access. Access delivered screening. Screening unlocked early treatment. And early treatment saved lives.

Detect early, treat early: this has become the commonsense approach to most major diseases. We screen for cancer, for heart disease and for diabetes. But for Alzheimer’s, we still diagnose too late — or not at all — and miss the opportunity to begin treatment when most effective.

Now, at last, we are ready to apply the detect early, treat early standard of care to Alzheimer’s. But only if Congress acts.

The Science Is Ready. The Policy Is Not.

Thanks to decades of research investment, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has cleared simple blood tests that can detect Alzheimer’s pathology years before symptoms appear. These tests cost about $200, compared to $2,000 or more for a PET brain scan. They work in a primary care setting. They exist right now.

And Americans want them. According to the Alzheimer’s Association, more than 9 in 10 Americans say they would want a simple blood test for Alzheimer’s. Now, a new national survey of 1,000 registered voters — released by the Alzheimer’s Impact Movement and conducted by the bipartisan polling team of Fabrizio Ward and Impact Research — makes clear that demand extends to specific policy action.

But here is the problem: Medicare cannot cover these screening tests. Not “will not.” Cannot. The way the Medicare law is written, the program does not have the legal authority to pay for a screening test unless Congress specifically authorizes it. So we are living in the equivalent of those early mammogram years — the blood test works, but most people will never get it.

The Public Demands Action

The survey results are striking in both their strength and their breadth.

Ninety percent of voters support Medicare covering FDA-cleared Alzheimer’s blood tests. Just 2% oppose. Support is intense: 73% strongly support coverage.

And this is not a blue-state or red-state issue. Among Trump voters, 88% support coverage. Among Harris voters, 94%. Among swing voters — the people who decide elections — 86%.

When voters learn that Medicare is not allowed to cover the tests, 87% say it should.

When asked about their own health insurance, 91% want coverage for Alzheimer’s blood tests.

These are not the kind of numbers you see in American politics anymore. On virtually no other issue do 9 in 10 Americans agree.

Why this Matters Now

There is a stage in Alzheimer’s disease called mild cognitive impairment — when a person has memory changes but can still live independently. Today’s treatments work significantly better when started at the beginning of this stage. But fewer than 10% of people ever receive a diagnosis. The rest slip right through.

Without the blood test, there is no early diagnosis at scale. And without early diagnosis, there is no early treatment. The breakthroughs Alzheimer’s Association and AIM advocates fought so hard to develop sit on a shelf just when they matter most.

The urgency only deepens as the science advances. A major clinical trial called TRAILBLAZER-3 is expected to report results this year. If positive, it would mark a pivotal shift in Alzheimer’s treatment — moving the focus from managing clinical symptoms to preventing them before they begin. But these people feel fine — they are not going to walk into a doctor’s office seeking help. The only way to find them is population-scale screening with a blood test. Without coverage, a prevention breakthrough has no delivery mechanism.

A Bill that Voters Reward

The survey tested the Alzheimer’s Screening and Prevention Act — the ASAP Act — which would give Medicare the authority to cover these blood tests. Support is overwhelming: 88% of voters back the ASAP Act, with 72% in strong support.

And it moves votes. 75% of voters say they would be more likely to vote for a member of Congress who supports this law — and after hearing more about the issue, that rises to 79%. Among swing voters, 68% say they would be more likely. Only 6% say less likely. For any member thinking about constituent impact, the math is clear.

What Needs to Happen

The ASAP Act does one thing: it gives Medicare the authority to cover blood screening tests for Alzheimer’s disease. That is it. One change. But it unlocks everything.

With the ASAP Act, screening can become a covered Medicare benefit — accessible, affordable, available. Without it, this test remains out of reach for most Americans, available only to those who can pay out of pocket or who happen to have the means to navigate a system that too often says no.

The survey reveals something important: only 34% of voters know these blood tests exist. Once they learn about the test, demand surges. Every conversation about the ASAP Act is also an education moment. The public does not need convincing. They need to know this test exists, that it works, and that Congress is the only thing standing between them and access.

Congress used this exact approach earlier this year in the MCED Act, creating a coverage pathway for blood-based cancer screening. The ASAP Act applies it to Alzheimer’s.

A simple blood test. Bipartisan legislation. Nine in 10 Americans are asking Congress to act. The science is ready. The public is ready.

It’s time for Congress to unlock the detect early, treat early standard of care for Alzheimer’s too.

The AIM National Voters Survey was conducted March 18-22, 2026 by Fabrizio Ward and Impact Research. 1,000 registered voters were interviewed by cell phone, landline, and SMS-to-Web. Margin of error: +/-3.1%